A history of the Pequot war, or, A relation of the war between the powerful nation of Pequot Indians, once inhabiting the coast of New-England, westerly from near Narraganset Bay and the English inhabitants, in the year 1638

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HISTOR'

PEQUOT WAR,

OS.

A Melatim of the War betwem the Paioerfid Sation of

Indians, mce hhnUtmf, the Coa" of li'm-Eng!mid,

nesterly fna r.ear A'nrraoauwf. Bay

and tie P.iiglish hihahitantx

in tk,< Year 1638.

LiEi:TENAN

LIIK GA^DIA'EK.

)ov>j<».37. V7

HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY

HISTORY

PEQUOT WAR,

A Relation of the War between ike Powerful Nation of Peqmt

Indians, once inhahiting the (host of New-England,

Westerly from near Narraganset Say,

and the English InhaMtants,

in the Year 1638.

LIEUTENANT LION GARDINER.

AN AOTOK IN THAT WAK WHO BE8IDED IN THE HID8I OF THOSE INDIANS.

tffincinnati:

Printed by J. Habpkl, South- East comer of Third imd Vine Streets, for
"William Dodoe.

Us

\ .

f

.HI

J

HARVARD

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

''OV 5 1973

U

INSTBTTOTIONS FROlf THE MaSSAOHTTSETTS TO JOHN WiNTHBOP ESQB VIBST

GK)yBRKOUB OF Connecticut to tbeat with the Peqttots.

[The following manuscript Letter and Commission directed to John Win-
throp Jun. Esq., the first Governor of Connecticut, and signed by Sir Henry
Yane, the Governor, and John Winthrop Esq., the Deputy Governor of Massa-
chusetts, were found among the papers of the elder Gov. Trumbull of Connecti-
cut in the year 1809, and were kindly furnished to the Publishing Committee
of the Massachusetts Historical Society for publication in its Collections, by
William T. Williams, Esq., of Lebanon, Con. The Society is also deeply in-
debted to Mr. Williams for several other manuscripts of interest published in
tiiis collection. These papers, it is understood, formerly belonged to the Con-
necticut branch of the Winthrop family. — Pub, Committee.']

"Whereas it so falls out by the good Prouidence of God,
that the place of your present residence is neare adjoyning unto
certaine of the Natiues who are called the Pequots, concerning
whom we haue diuers things to enquire and satisfy ourselues
in ; our request to you therefore is, and by these presents we
do giue you full power, authority, and commission to treate
and conferre with the sayd Pequots, in our names according to the
instructions to these annexed, as if wee ourselues were present :
and to make report backe agayne unto vs of the issue and suc-
cesse of the whole before the next Generall Court (which, God
willing is intended in the beginning of the 7th month). Thus
recommending you, and your aflfayres to the blessing of All-
mighty God, wee rest Your louing freinds

H Vane. Gov'

Jo: Winthrop Dep'
Massatuchetts the 4** day

Of the 6^ month. 1636."

Instructions to <Sob* S3Eintf)rop*

" Massatuchets The instructions which are recommended

Month : 5^ 4. to John Winthrop Jun' Esq"" in his negotia-
1636. tion with the Pequots.

"1. To giue notice to the principall Sachem that you haue
receaued a commission from vs to demaund a solemne meeting
for conference with them in a friendly manner about matters of
importance.

"2. In case they slight such message and refuse to giue
you a meeting (at such place as yourself shall apoynt) then you
are in our names to returne backe their present (which you
shall receaue from vs) and to acquaint them with all, that we
hold ourselues free from any peace or league with them as a
people guilty of English blood.

^'3. If they consent, and giue a meeting as afore sayd, that
then you lay downe vnto them how unworthily they haue re-
quited our friendship with them ; for as much as that they haue
broken the very condition of the peace betwixt vs, by the not
rendring into our hands the murtherers of Capt. Stone, (which
we desire you once agayne solemly to require of them), as also
in that they so trifled with vs in their present which they made
proffer of to vs, as that they did send but part of it, and put it
off with this, as to say the old men did neuer consent to the
giuing of it ; which dealings sauour so much of dishonour and
neglect, as that no people that desire friendship should put
them in practice.

"4. To let them know first what credible relation hath
beene given vs, that some of the cheif of them were actors in
the murder of Mr. Hamond and the other vpon Long Hand ;
and since of another Englishman there : and of their late deter-
mination to haue seized vpon a Plymouth Barke lying in their
harbour for trade ; as by the more large descriptions of these
things, which we also send vnto you, will more distinctly ap-

(Sattrener^s iPetjiiot SSEarres*

pear. Of all these things we desire you to take the relation
from their owne mouths, and to inform vs particularly of their
seuerall answers : giuing them to vnderstand that it is not the ]
manner of the English to take reuenge of injury vntill the par- ■
tys that are guilty haue beene called to answer fairely for them-
selves.

"6. To let them know that if they shall cleare themselues
of these matters, we shall not refuse to hearken to any reason-
able proposition from them for confirmation of the peace betwixt
vs. But if they shall not giue you satifaction according to these
our instructions, or shall bee found guilty of any of the sayd
murthers, and will not deliuuer the actours in them into our
hands, that then (as before you are directed) you returne them
the present, and declare to them that we hold ourselues free j
from any league or peace with them, and shall reuenge the i
blood of our contrimen as occasion shall serue.

H : Vane Gov'

Jo: Winthrop Dep*"

Leivt Lion Gardiner his relation op the Pequot Warres.

[The original mannscript of this '* Relation'* and a copy in the handwriting
of Gov. Trumbull were furnished to the Publishing Committee by William T.
Williams, Esq.; the same gentleman whose kindness is mentioned on page 129
of this volume. The Committee, on account of the difficulty the printer would
find in deciphering the original, have followed the orthography of the copy,
excepting in the proper names, where they thought it of more importance to
adhere to the ancient orthography. Mr. Williams in his interesting letters of
July 19 and 23, 1832, addressed to a member of the Committee, has given
some few particulars in relation to Lion Gardiner ; also a description of the
battle ground where the Pequots were destroyed, and of the burial place of
Tineas and Miantunnomoh, together with a succinct account of the present
condition of the remnant of the ancient and powerful tribes of the Pequots,
Mohegans and Narragansetts. These portions of the letters are of historical
value, and the Committee therefore take the liberty of publishing the follow-
ing extracts. — Publishing CommitieeJ]

(garlremr^s ^e(jtujt Wiaxtts,

rA..*^**««— *

"Lion Gardiner was sent over by Lords Say and Seal and
Lord Brook to construct a fort at the mouth of Connecticut
river, to command it, &c. He was said to be a skilful en-
gineer, and on that account was selected. He had seen some
service in the Low Countries under Gen. Fairfax. He came
into this Country about the year 1633 or 1634 and erected tha
fort at Saybrook in Connecticut, which was so named in honour
of Lords Say and Seal and Lord Brook: but how long he contin-
ued to command the fort I do not recollect. He commanded it
when Capt. John Mason conquered the Pequots, for Mason in
his history, you recollect, says, *he, Lt. Gardiner, compli-
mented or entertained him with many big guns,' on his arrival
at the fort after the conquest of the Pequots.

" Gardiner continued some time in the command of the fort,
but it does not appear when he left it. While he commanded
it, he once very narrowly escaped being captured by the Pe-
quots. He had five men with him, one of whom was taken and
tortured ; the fort was burnt down, and he and his family nar-
rowly lescaped being burnt in it. Gardfcner's Island,* lying in
Gard4jier's Bay, to which he removed and where he died, was
taken possession by him soon after his coming into this country.
You will see he has reference to his island : it is a very beauti-
ful island of good land, perhaps twenty-five hundred or three
thousand acres, with a long sand point of not much value. It
now wholly belongs to the family and was until the decease of
' / the last proprietor, Inn^thfiin Gardiner, an entailed estate ; but

I am told that the entail is now broken. The proprietors have
always been called Lords.

[* There is a tradition that the Ldaod waa conveyed to Gardiner by Waiandance, in oonseqnenoe of hit
(Gardiner*B) ezertioni to raniom the chieftain's daughter, who had been made prisoner by Ninegrate» during a
war between the Nahantios and the Long Island Indians.-HSKoiM** Life qf ITnoos, p, 86.]

(Kattrmer^s Peqfiiot Wiaut^.

"In the mouth of Mistic river there is an island, now and al-
ways called Mason's Island from old Capt.' Mason, containing
five or six hundred acres. This island he took possession of by-
right of conquest, and the most of it is now possessed by his
descendants. I believe it is the only spot in Connecticut

claimed in that way.

* It m ^ m m

" Summer before last I went to the battle-ground on purpose
to view it. The spot where the fort stood is in the present
town of Groton, Connecticut, on the west side of Mistic river.
Sassacus had this fort in the eastern part of his dominions to
look after the Narragansetts. The hill is commanding and
beautiful though not steep. The land is now owned by Ros-
well Fish, Esq. of Groton. There are no remains of the fort ;
Capt. Mason says it was of timber mostly, and of course when
he burnt it, it must have been principally consumed. Mr. Fish
told me that within his recollection (and he is about sixty)
some few Indian arrow-heads and spears have been found on
the ground, and also some bullets. The river is at the bottom
of the hill, less than half a mile, I should think, from the site
of the fort, and perhaps three miles from the head of the little
village of Mistic in the town of Stonington, where the small
streams that form the river meet the tide water. The river is
the dividing line between the towns of Groton and Stonington.
Porter's rocks, where Capt. Mason lodged, are near the village,
and perhaps two miles above the site of the fort.

"Sassacus had another fort, about two miles west of the one
taken by Mason, in the town of Groton, from which the one
taken was recruited on the night before the attack. The whole of
the shore of Mistic river, which is about six or seven miles from
what is called head of Mistic, to its mouth, and particjolarly the

west side, is rough, rugged, and rocky, but particularly pleas-

*

^axttmtt^B iPetjiiot Wiaxtt^.

ant, and filled with dwellings wherever they can be placed, in-
habited chiefly by sailors and seamen. There is a pretty meet-
ing-house among the rocks. * * *

" There is a remnant of the Pequots still existing. They
live in the town of Groton, and amount to about forty souls, in
all, or perhaps a few more or less ; but do not vary much from
that amount. They have about eleven hundred acres of poor
land reserved to them in Groton, on which they live. They
are more mixed than the Mohegans with negro and white blood,
yet are a distinct tribe and still retain a hatred to the Mohegans.
A short time since, I had an opportunity of seeing most of the
tribe together. They are more vicious, and not so decent or so
good-looking a people as the Mohegans. This however may be
owing to their being more mixed with other blood. It is very
rare that there are any intermarriages with either of the tribes
to each other, they still, so far as circumstances admit, retain-
ing the old grudge. The most common name among them is
Meazen ; nearly half call themselves by that surname.

" The Indians formerly called Ninegrate's men, seem to be
now called Narargansetts, and live principally in Charlestown,
Rhode Island. There are perhaps eighty, or more; though I
am not so well informed concerning them, as of the Pequots or
Mohegans.

" Considerable exertion is making now in favor of the Mohe-
gans. A small, but neat church, has lately been erected by
charity for them, and the United States have appropriated nine
hundred dollars to build a school-master's house, and for his
salary. The house for the school-master is erected and a
school-master hired, who also preaches to the tribe. All of the
tribe are anxiously sought out, and the benevolent are trying
to bring them all together to their ancient seat. There are
about seventy men on their land, or perhaps a few more. They

i

(ffiratlrmer^s iPetjuot Wiaut^.

own about three thousand acres of good land in Montville,
about three miles below Norwich landing. The Trading Cove
brook is their northern bound; their eastern is the Thames
river. The G-eneral Assembly of this State, immediately after
the Pequot war was finished, declared, and I think unfortunate-
ly, that the name of the Pequots should become extinct ; that
the river that used to be called Pequot should be called Thames ;
and the place called Pequot should no longer be so called, but
its name be changed to New London, in "remembrance," as the
records declare, and as the Assembly say, "of the chief city in
our dear native country."

" I have visited the ground where the rival chiefs, TJncas and
Miantunnomoh, are buried. Uncas is buried in the royal
. burying ground, so called, which was appropriated to the Uncas
family. It is just by the falls in the Yantic river in Norwich
city ; a beautiful and romantic spot. Calvin Goddard, Esq., of
Norwich, owns the ground, and has (honorably) railed it in,
and keeps it appropriated to its use. I saw him a few days
since ; he intends to enlarge it, and I hope to have an appro-
f priate stone to mark the place. Miantunnomoh is buried in the

V east part of Norwich, at a place called Sachem's Plain, from the

event of his death ; and is buried on the spot where he was
slain. But a few years since a large heap of stones, thrown
together by the wandering Indians, according to the custom of
their country, and as a melancholy mark of the love the Narra-
gansetts had for their fallen chief, lay on his grave : but the
despicable cupidity of some people in that vicinity has removed
them to make a common stone wall, as it saved them the
trouble of gathering stones for that purpose. The spot of his
sepulture is, however, yet known.

8 <?&arlrener^s ^eijuot Wiaxtts.

[The original manuscript consists of 12 pages folio. — Pub. Committee.']

^'East Hampton^ JtmCy 12, 1660,
"Loving Friends, Robert Chapman and Thomas Hurlburt,
my love remembered to you both, these are to inform, that as
you desired me when I was with you and Major Mason at Sea-
brooke two years and an half ago to consider and call to mind
the passages of God's Providence at Seabrooke in and about
the time of the Pequit [Pequot] War, wherein I have now en-
deavoured to answer your Desires and having rumaged and
found some old papers then written it was a great help to my
memory. You know that when I came to you I was an engi-
neer or architect, whereof carpentry is a little part, but you
know I could never use all the tools, for although for my neces-
sity, I was forced sometimes to use my shifting chissel, and my
holdfast, yet you know I could never endure nor abide the
smoothing plane ; I have sent you a piece of timber scored and
forehewed unfit to join to any handsome piece of work, but see-
ing I have done the hardest work, you must get somebody to
i chip it and to smooth it lest the splinters should prick some men's
; fingers, for the truth must not be spoken at all times, though
I to my knowledge I have written nothing but the truth, and you
may take out or put in what you please, or if you will, throw it
all into the fire ; but I think you may let the Governor and
Major Mason see it. I have also inserted some additions of
things that were done since, that they may be considered to-
gether. And thus as I was when I was with you, so I remain
still. Your loving friend, i

Lion Gardener.

"In the year 1635, I, Lion Gardiner, Engineer and Master
of works of Fortification in the legers of the Prince of Orange,
in the Low Countries, through the persuasion of Mr. John
Davenport, Mr. Hugh Peters with some other well-affected

^axXtmtt^B ^tquot Wiaxtt^.

Englishmen of Rotterdam, I made an agreement with the fore-
named Mr. Peters for £100 per annum, for four years, to serve
the company of patentees, namely, the Lord Say, the Lord Brooks
[Brook,] Sir Arthur Hazilrig, Sir Mathew Bennington [Bonigh-
ton?], Sir Richard Saltingstone [Saltonstall], Esquire Fenwick,
and the rest of their company, [I say] I was to serve them only
in the drawing, ordering and making of a city, towns or forts
of defence. And so I came from Holland to London, and from
thence to New-England, where I was appointed to attend such
orders as Mr. John Winthrop, Esquire, the present Governor of
Conectecott, was to appoint, whether at Pequit [Pequot] river,
or Conectecott, and that we should choose a place both for the
convenience of a good harbour, and also for capableness and fit-
ness for fortification. But I landing at Boston the latter end
of November, the aforesaid Mr. Winthrop had sent before one
Lieut. Gibbons, Sergeant Willard, with some carpenters, to
take possession of the River's mouth, where they began to build
houses against the Spring ; we expecting, according to promise,
that there would have come from England to us 300 able men,
whereof 200 should attend fortification, 50 to till the ground, and
50 to build houses. But our great expectation at the Riveras
mouth, came only to two men, viz. Mr. Fenwick, and his man,
who came with Mr. Hugh Peters, and Mr. Oldham and Thomas
Stanton, bringing with them some Otter-skin coats, and Beaver,
and skeins of wampum, which the Pequits [Pequots] had sent for a
present, because the English had required those Pequits [Pequots]
that had killed a Virginean [Virginian], one Capt. Stone, with his
Bark's crew, in Conectecott River, for they said they would have
their lives and not their presents ; then I answered. Seeing you
will take Mr. Winthrop to the Bay to see his wife, newly brought
to bed of her first child, and though you say he shall return,
yet I know if you make war with these Pequits, he will not

10 (ffirattrener's ^eqiiot Wiwctt^.

]

1

/

come hither again, for I know you will keep yourselves safe,
as you think, in the Bay, but myself, with these few, you will
leave at the stake to be roasted, or for hunger to be starved, for
Indian corn is now 125. per bushel, and we have but three
acres planted, and if they will now make war for a Virginian and
expose us to the Indians, whose mercies are cruelties, they, I
say, love the Virginians better than us : for, have they stayed
these four or five years, and will they begin now, we being so
few in the River, and have scarce holes to put our heads in ?
I pray ask the Magistrates in the Bay if they have forgot what
I said to them when I returned from Salem ? For Mr^ Win-
throp, Mr. Haines, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Humfry, Mr.
Belingam [Bellingham], Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Nowell ; —
these entreated me to go with Mr. Humfry and Mr. Peters to
view the country, to see how fit it was for fortification. And I
told them that Nature had done more than half the work
already, and I thought no foreign potent enemy would do them
any hurt, but one that was near. They asked me who that was,
and I said it was Capt. Hunger that threatened them most, for,
(said I,) War is like a three-footed Stool, want one foot and
down comes all; and these three feet are men, victuals, and
munition, therefore, seeing in peace you are like to be famished,
what will or can be done if war ? Therefore I think, said I,
it will be best only to fight against Capt. Hunger, and let forti-
fication alone awhile; and if need hereafter require it, I can
come to do you any service : and they all liked my saying well.
Entreat them to rest awhile, till we get more strength here
about us, and that we hear where the seat of war will be, may
approve of it, and provide for it, for I had but twenty-four
in all, men, women, and boys and girls, and not food for them
for two months, unless we saved our corn-field, which could not
possibly be if they came to war, for it is two miles from our

home. Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Fenwick, and Mr. Peters promised '
me that they would do their utmost endeavour to persuade the
Bay-men to desist from war a year or two, till we could be better
provided for it ; and then the Pequit Sachem was sent for, and
the present returned, but full sore against my will. So they
three returned to Boston, and two or three days after came an *
Indian from Pequit, whose name was Cocommithus, who had
lived at Plimoth, and could speak good English; he desired
that Mr. Stevjen [Stephen] Winthrop would go to Pequit with
an £100 worth of trucking cloth and all other trading ware, for
they knew that we had a great cargo of goods of Mr. Pincheon's,
and Mr. Steven Winthrop had the disposing of it. And he said
that' if he would come he might put off all his goods, and the
Pequit Sachem would give him two horses that had been there
a great while. So I sent the Shallop, with Mr. Steven Win-
throp, Sergeant Tille [Tilly], (whom we called afterward Ser-
geant Kettle, because he put the kettle on his head,) and Thomas
Hurlbut and three men more, charging them that they should
ride in the middle of the river, and not go ashore until they had
done all their trade, and that Mr. Steven Winthrop should stand
in the hold of the boat, having their guns by them, and swords
by their sides, the other four to be, two in the fore cuddie, and
two in aft, being armed in like manner, that so they out of the
loop-holes might clear the boat, if they were by the Pequits as-
saulted ; and that they should let but one canoe come aboard at
once, with no more but four Indians in her, and when she had
traded then another, and that they should lie no longer there
than one day, and at night to go out of the river ; and if they
brought the two horses, to take them in a clear piece of land
at the mouth of the River, two of them to go ashore to help
the horses in, and the rest stand ready with their guns in
their hands, if need were, to defend them from the Pequits,

12 (ffirarbenet^js iPequot Wiaxxts.

for I durst not trust them. So they went and found but little
trade, and they having forgotten what I charged them, Thomas
Hurlbut and one more went ashore to boil the kettle, and
Thomas Hurlbut stepping into the Sachem's wigwam, not far
from the shore, enquiring for the horses, the Indians went out
of the wigwam, and Wincumbone, his mother's sister, was then
the great Pequit Sachem's wife, who made signs to him that he
should be gone, for they would cut off his head ; which, when
he perceived, he drew his sword and ran to the others, and got
aboard, and immediately came abundance of Indians to the
water-side and called them to come ashore, but they immedi-
; ately set sail and came home, and this caused me to keep watch
■ and ward, for I saw they plotted our destruction. And sud-
denly after came Capt. Endecott, Capt. Turner, and Capt. XJn-
drill [Underhill], with a company of soldiers, well fitted, to
! Seabrook, and made that place their rendezvous or seat of war,
and that to my great grief, for, said I, you come hither to raise
: these wasps about my ears, and then you will take wing and flee
•' away ; but when I had seen their commission I wondered, and
made many allegations against the manner of it, but go they did
to Pequit, and as they came without acquainting any of us in the
River with it, so they went against our will, for I knew that I
should loose our corn-field ; then I entreated them to hear what
i I would say to them, which was this : Sirs, Seeing you will go, I
^ pray you, if you don't load your Barks with Pequits, load them
with corn, for that is now gathered with them, and dry, ready to
put into their barns, ajid both you and we have need of it, and I
will send my shallop and hire this Dutchman's boat, there pres-
ent, to go with you, and if you cannot attain your end of the
Pequits, yet you may load your barks with corn, which will be
welcome to Boston and to me : But they said they had no bags
to load them with, then said I, here is three dozen of new bags,

ft^iamm^^^mm^mmmmmmmmm^ii^^^i . 1 1 1 ■ 1 III 1 1 ■ ■ ■ II ■ II III I 11 I • I H

you shall have thirty of them, and my shallop to carry them,
and six of them my men shall use themselves, for I will with
the Dutchmen send twelve men well provided ; and I desired
them to divide the men into three parts, viz. two parts to stand
without the corn, and to defend the other one third part, that
carried the corn to the water-side, till they have loaded what
they can. And the men there in arms, when the rest are aboard,
shall in order go aboard, the rest that are aboard shall with
their arms clear the shore, if the Pequits do assault them in the
rear, and then, when the General shall display his colours, all
to set sail together. To this motion they all agreed, and I put
the three dozen of bags aboard my shallop, and away they went,
and demanded the Pequit Sachem to come into parley. But it
was returned for answer, that he was from home, but within
three hours he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence
to nine, there came none. But the Indians came without arms
to our men, in great numbers, and they telked with noiy. men,
whom they knew ; but in the end, at a word given, they all on
a sudden ran away from onr men, as theystood in rank and file,
and not an Indian more was to be seen : and all this while be-
fore, they carried all their stuff away, and thus was that great
parley ended. Then they displayed their colours, and beat their
drums, burnt some wigwams and some heaps of corn, and my
men carried as much aboard as they could, but the army went
aboard, leaving my men ashore, which ought to have marched
aboard first. But they all set sail, and my men were pursued
by the Indians, and they hurt some of the Indians, two of them
came home wounded. The Bay-men killed not a man, save
that one Kichomiquim [Cutshamequin], an Indian Sachem of
of the Bay, killed a Pequit ; and thus began the war between
the Indians and us in these parts. So my men being come
home, and having brought a pretty quantity of corn with them,

14 (Qrarlrener's ^eqiiot Wi atres.

they informed me (both Dutch and English) of all passages. I
was glad of the corn. After this I immediately took men and
went to our corn-field, to gather our corn, appointing others to
come about with the shallop and fetch it, and left five lusty men
in the strong-house, with long guns, which house I had built for
the defence of the corn. Now these men not regarding the charge
I had given them, three of them went a niile from the house
a fowling ; and having loaded themselves with fowl they re-
turned. But the Pequits let them pass first, till they had load-
ed themselves, but at their return they arose out of their am-
bush, and shot them all three ; one of them escaped through the
corn, shot through the leg, the other two they tormented. Then
the next day I sent the shallop to fetch the five men, and the
rest of the corn that was broken down, and they found but
three, as is above said, and when they had gotten that they left
the rest ; and as soon as they had gone a little way from shore
they saw the house on fire. Now so soon as the boat came
home, and .brought us this bad news, old Mr. Michell was very
urgent with me to lend him the boat to fetch hay home from
the Six-mile Island, but I told him they were too few men, for
his four men could but carry the hay aboard, and one must
stand in the boat to defend them, and they must have two more
at the foot of the Rock, with their guns, to keep the Indians
from running down upon them. And in the first place, before
they carry any of the cocks of hay, to scour the meadow with
their three dogs, — ^to march all abreast from the lower end up to
the Rock, and if they found the meadow clear, then to load
their hay ; but this was also neglected, for they all went ashore
and fell to carrying off their hay, and the Indians presently
rose out of the long grass, and killed three, and took the brother
of Mr. Michell, who is the minister of Cambridge, and roasted
him alive ; and so they served a shallop of his, coming down

the river in the Spring, having two men, one whereof they killed
at Six-mile Island, the other came down drowned to us ashore
at our doors, with an arrow shot into his eye through his head.
In the 22d of February, I went out with ten men, and three
dogs, half a mile from the house, to burn the weeds, leaves and
reeds, upon the neck of land, because we had felled twenty tim-
ber-trees, which we were to roll to the water-side to bring home,
every man carrying a length of match with brimstone-matches
with him to kindle the fire withal. But when we came to the
small of the Neck, the weeds burning, I having before this set
two sentinels on the small of the Neck, I called to the men that
were burning the reeds to come away, but they would not until
they had burnt up the rest of their matches. Presently there
starts up four Indians out of the fiery reeds, but ran away, I
calling to the rest of our men to come away out of the marsh.
Then Robert Chapman and Thomas Hurlbut, being sentinels,
called to me, saying there came a number of Indians out of the
other side of the marsh. Then I went to stop them, that they
should not get the wood-land ; but Thomas Hurlbut cried out
to me that some of the men did not follow me, for Thomas
Rumble and Arthur Branch, threw down their two guns and ran
away ; then the Indians shot two of them that were in the
reeds, and sought to get between us and home, but durst not
come before us, but kept us in a half-moon, we retreating and
exchanging many a shot, so that Thomas Hurlbut was shot al-
most through the thigh, John Spencer in the back, into his
kidneys, myself into the thigh, two more were shot dead. But
in our retreat I kept Hurlbut and Spencer still before us, we
defending ourselves with our naked swords, or else they had
taken us all alive, so that the two sore wounded men, by our
slow retreat, got home with their guns, when our two sound
men ran away and left their guns behind them. But when I

16 (Srartrener^s ^eqttot Wattes,

»— ^— ^<»— «^^^i^.»— — — — »— I 111 I ——.111 111. — ^— ^..^».— ^ ^— U— «^*i^p^^

saw the cowards that left us, I resolved to let them draw lots
which of them should be hanged, for the articles did hang up in
the hall for them to read, and they knew they had been published
long before. But at the intercession of old Mr. Michell, Mr. Hig-
gisson [Higginson], and Mr. Pell, I did forbear. Within a few
days after, when I had cured myself of my wound, I went out
with eight men to get some fowl for our relief, and found the
guns that were thrown away, and the body of one man shot
through, the arrow going in at the right side, the head sticking
fast, half through a rib on the left side, which I took out and
cleansed it, and presumed to send to the Bay, because they had
said that the arrows of the Indians were of no force.

Anthony Dike, master of a bark, having his bark at Rhode
Island in the winter, was sent by Mr. Vane, then Governor.
Anthony came to Rhode-Island by land, and from thence he
came with his bark to me with a letter, wherein was desired
that I should consider and prescribe the best way I could to
quell these Pequits, which I also did, and with my letter sent
the man's rib as a token. A few days after, came Thomas
Stanton down the River, and staying for a wind, while he was
there came a troop of Indians within musket shot, laying them-
selves and their arms down behind a little rising hill and two
great trees ; which I perceiving, called the carpenter whom I
had shewed how to charge and level a gun, and that he should
put two cartridges of musket bullets into two sakers guns that
lay about ; and we levelled them against the place, and I told
him that he must look towards me, and when he saw me wave
my hat above my head he should give fire to both the guns ;
then presently came three Indians, creeping out and calling to
us to speak with us : and I was glad that Thomas Stanton was
there, and I sent six men down by the Garden Pales to look
• that none should come under the hill behind us ; and having

(Sarlrenet^s iPerjuot WiautB. n

placed the rest in places convenient closely, Thomas and I with
my sword, pistol and carbine, went ten or twelve poles without
the gate to parley with them. And when the six men came to
the Garden Pales, at the comer, they found a great number of
Indians creeping behind the fort, or betwixt us and home, but they
ran away. Now I had said to Thomas Stanton, Whatsoever they
say to you, tell me first, for we will not answer them directly to
anything, for I know not the mind of the rest of the English.
So they came forth, calling us nearer to them, and we them
nearer to us. - But I would not let Thomas go any further than
the great stump of a tree, and I stood by him ; then they asked who
we were, and he answered Thomas and Lieutenant. But they
said he lied, for I was shot with many arrows ; and so I was,
but my buff coat preserved me, only one hurt me. But when
I spake to them they knew my voice, for one of them had dwelt
three months with us, but ran away when the Bay-men came
first. Then they asked us if we would fight with Niantecut In-
dians, for they were our friends and came to trade with us.
We said we knew not the Indians one from another, and there-
fore would trade with none. Then they said. Have you fought
enough ? We said we knew not yet. Then they asked if we did
use to kill women and children ? We said that they should see
that hereafter. So they were silent a small space, and then they
said, We are Pequits, and have killed Englishmen, and can
kill them as mosquetoes, and we will go to Conectecott and kill
men, women, and children, and we will take away the horses,
cows and hogs. When Thomas Stanton had told me this, he \
prayed me to/shoot that rogue, for, said he, he hath an English-
man's coat on, and saith that he hath killed three, and these
other four have their cloathes on their backs. I said. No, it is
not the manner of a parley, but have patience and I shall fit

them ere they go. Nay, now or never, said he ; so when he
2*

18 (ffi^artrmer^s ^tqaot Wiaxtt».

could get no other answer but this last, I bid him tell them that
they should not go to Conectecott, for if they did kill all the
men, and take all the rest as they said, it would do them no
good, but hurt, for English women are lazy, and can't do their
work ; ' horses and cows will spoil your corn-fields, and the hogs
their clam-banks, and so undo them : then I pointed to our great
house, and bid him tell them there lay twenty pieces of truck-
ing cloth, of Mr. Pincheon's, with hoes, hatchets, and all man-
ner of trade, they were better fight still with us, and so get all
that, and then go up the river after they had killed all us. Hav-
ing heard this, they were mad as dogs, and ran away ; then
when they came to the place from whence they came, I waved my
hat about my head, and the two great guns went off, so that there
was a great hubbub amongst them. Then two days after, came
down Capt. Mason, and Sergeant Seely, with five men more, to
see how it was with us ; and whilst they were there, came down
a Dutch boat, telling us the Indians had killed fourteen English,
for by that boat I had sent up letters to Conectecott, what I
heard, and what I thought, and how to prevent that threatened
danger, and received back again rather a scoff, than any thanks,
for nay care and pains. But as I wrote, so it fell out to my
great grief and theirs, for the next, or second day after, (as
Major Mason well knows,) came down a great many canoes,
going down the creek beyond the marsh, before the fort, many
of them having white shirts ; then I commanded the carpenter
whom I had shewed to level great guns, to put in two round
shot into the two sackers, and we levelled them at a certain
place, and I stood to bid him give fire, when I thought the canoe
would meet the bullet, and one of them took off the nose of a
great canoe wherein the two maids were, that were taken by
the Indians, whom I redeemed and clothed, for the Dutchmen,
whom I sent to fetch them, brought them away almost naked

from Pequit, they putting on their own linen jackets to cover
their nakedness ; and though the redemption cost me ten pounds,
I am yet to have thanks for my care and charge about them :
these things are known to Major Mason.

Then came from the Bay Mr. Tille, with a permit to go up
to Harford [Hartford], and coming ashore he saw a paper nailed
up over the gate, whereon was written, that no boat or bark
should pass the fort, but that they come to an anchor first, that
I might see whether they were armed and manned sufficiently,
and they were not to land any where after they passed the fort
till they came to Wethersfield ; and this I did because Mr.
Michell had lost a shallop before coming down from Wethers-
field, with three men well armed. This Mr. Tille gave me ill
language for my presumption, (as he called it,) with other ex-
pressions too long here to write. When he had done I bid him go
to his warehouse, which he had built before I came, to fetch his
goods from thence, for I would watch no longer over it. So he,
knowing nothing, went and found his house burnt, and one of
Mr. Plum's with others, and he told me to my face that I had
caused it to be done ; but Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, Thomas
Hurlbut and John Green can witness that the same day
that our house was burnt at Cornfield-point I went with Mr.
Higgisson, Mr. Pell, and four men more, broke open a door and
took a note of all that was in the house and gave it to Mr. Hig-
gisson to keep, and so brought all the goods to our house, and
delivered it all to them again when they came for it, without
any penny of charge. Now the very next day after I had taken
the goods out, before the sun was quite down, and we all to-
gether in the great hall, all them houses were on fire in one
instant. The Indians ran away, ,but I would not follow them.
Now when Mr. Tille had received all his goods I said unto him,
I thought I had deserved for my honest care both for their

20 (Karlrener^g iPeijtiot Wiantsi.

bodies and goods of those that passed by here, at the least better
language, and am resolved to order such malepert persons as
you are ; therefore I wish you and also charge you to observe
that which you have read at the gate, 'tis my duty to God, my
masters, and my love I bear to you all which is the ground of
this, had you but eyes to see it ; but you will not till you feel
it. So he went up the river, and when he came down again to
his place, which I call Tille's folly, now called Tille's point, in
our sight in despite, having a fair wind he came to an anchor,
and with one man more went ashore, discharged his gun, and
the Indians fell upon him, and killed the other, and carried him
alive over the river in our sight, before my shallop could come
to them ; for immediately I sent seven men to fetch the Pink
down, or else it had been taken and three men more. So they
brought her down, and I sent Mr. Higgisson and Mr. Pell
aboard to take an invoice of all that was in the vessel, that
nothing might be lost. Two days after came to me, as I had
written to Sir Henerie Vane, then Governor of the Bay, I say
came to me Capt. Undrill [XJnderhill], with twenty lusty men,
well armed, to stay with me two months, or 'till something
should be done about the Pequits. He came at the charge of
my masters. Soon after came down from Harford Maj. Mason,
Lieut. Seely, accompanied with Mr. Stone and eighty English-
men, and eighty Indians, with a commission from Mr. Ludlow
and Mr. Steel, and some others ; these came to go fight with
the Pequits. But when Capt Undrill [XJnderhill] and I had
seen their commission, we both said they were not fitted for
such a design, and we said to Maj. Mason we wondered he would
venture himself, being no better fitted ; and he said the Magis-
trates could not or would not send better : then we said that
none of our men should go with them, neither should they go
unless we, that were bred soldiers from our youth, could see

(?Rarl)iener^j5 iPequot WiavttB. 21

some likelihood to do better than the Bay-men with their strong
commission last year. Then I asked them how they durst
trust the Mohegin [Mohegan] Indians, who had but that year
come from the Pequits. They said they would trust them, for
they could not well go without them for want of guides. Yea,
said I, but I will try them before a man of ours shall go with
you or them ; and I called for Uncas and said unto him, You
say you will help Maj. Mason, but I will first see it, therefore
send you now twenty men to the Bass river, for there went
yesternight six Indians in a canoe thither ; fetch them now dead
or alive, and then you shall go with Maj. Mason, else not. So
he sent his men who killed four, brought one a traitor to us
alive, whose name was Kiswas, and one run away. And I gave
him fifteen yards of trading cloth on my own charge, to give
unto his men according to their desert. And having staid there
five or six days before we could agree, at last we old soldiers
agreed about the way and act, and took twenty insufficient men
from the eighty that came from Harford [Hartford] and sent
them up again in a shallop, and Capt. XJndrill [XJnderhill] with
twenty of the lustiest of our men went in their room, and I
furnished them with such things as they wanted, and sent Mr.
Pell, the surgeon, with them ; and the Lord God blessed their
design and way, so that they returned with victory to the glory
of God, and honour of our nation, having slain three hundred,
burnt their fort, and taken many prisoners. Then came to me
an Indian called Wequash, and I by Mr. Higgisson inquired
of him, how many of the Pequits were yet alive that had helped
to kill Englishmen ; and he declared them to Mr. Higgisson,
and he writ them down, as may appear by his own hand here
enclosed, and I did as therein is written. Then three days
after the fight came Waiandance, next brother -to the old Sa-
chem of Long Island, and having been recommended to me by

22 (Sarlrenet^s iPeqtiot Wiaxte^.

Maj. Q-ibbons, he came to know if we were angry with all In-
dians. I answered No, but only with such as had killed Eng-
lishmen. He asked me whether they that lived upon Long
Island might come to trade with us. I said No, nor we with
them, for if I should send my boat to trade for corn, and you have
Pequits with you, and if my boat should come into some creek
by reason of bad weather, they might kill my men, and I shall
think that you of Long-Island have done it, and so we may
kill all you for the Pequits ; but if you will kill all the Pequite
that come to you, and send me their heads, then I will give to
you as to Weakwash [Wequash], and you shall have trade with
us. Then, said he, I will go to my brother, for he is the great
Sachem of Long-Island, and if we may have peace and trade
with you, we will give you tribute, as we did the Pequits. Then
I said. If you have any Indians that have killed English, you
must bring their heads also. He answered not any one, and
said that Gribbons, my brother would have told you if it had
been so ; so he went away and did as I had said, and sent me
five heads, three and four heads for which I paid them that
brought them as I had promised.

Then came Capt, Stoten [Stoughton] with an army of 300
men, from the Bay, to kill the Pequits ; but they were fled be-
yond New Haven to a swamp. I sent Wequash after them,
who went by night to spy them out, and the army followed him,
and found them at the great swamp, who killed some and
took others, and the rest fled to the Mowhakues [Mohawks],
with their Sachem. Then the Mohaws cut off his head and
sent it to Harford, for then they all feared us, but now it is
otherwise, for they say to our faces that our Commissioner's
meeting once a year, and speak a great deal, or write a letter,
and there's all for they dare not fight. But before they went
to the Great Swamp they sent Thomas Stanton over to Long

Island and Shelter Island, to find Pequits there, but there was
none, for the Sachem Waiandance, that, was at Plimoth when
the Commissioners were there, and set there last, I say, he had
killed so many of the Pequits, and sent their heads to me, that
they durst not come there ; and he and his men went with the
English to the Swamp, and thus the Pequits were quelled at
that time. But there was like to be a great broil between Mian*
tenomie pVIiantunnomoh] and Unchus [Uncas] who should have
the rest of the Pequits, but we mediated between them and pacified
ihem ; also Unchus challenged the Narraganset Sachem out to a
single combat, but he would not fight without all his men ; but they
were pacified, though the old grudge remained still, as it doth
appear. Thus far I had written in a book, that all men and
posterity might know how and why so many honest men had their
blood shed, yea, and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and
some roasted alive, only because Kichamokin [Cutshamequin],
a Bay Indian killed one Pequit ; and thus far of the Pequit war,
which was but a comedy in comparison of the tragedies which
hath been here threatened since, and may yet come, if Grod do i
not open the eyes, ears, and hearts of some that I think are
wilfully deaf and blind, and think because there is no change
that the vision fails, and put the evil threatened-day far off, for
say they, We are now twenty to one to what we were then, and
none dare meddle with us. Oh ! wo be to the pride and secu-
rity whidi hath been the ruin of many nations, as woftd experi-
ence has proved.

But I wonder, and so doth many more with me, that the Bay
doth not better revenge the murdering of Mr. Oldham, an hon- ■
est man of their own, seeing they were at such cost, for a Vir-
ginian. The Narragansets that were at Block-Island killedhim,
and had £50 of gold of his, for I saw it when he had five pieces
of me, and put it up into a clout and tied it up altogether, when

\

24 (Baxhmtx^s ^equot Mattes.

he went away from me to Block-Island ; but the Narragansets
had it and punched holes into it, and put it about their necks for
lewels ; and afterwards I saw the Dutch have some of it, which
they had of the Narragansets at a small rate.

And now I find that to be true which our friend Waiandance
told me many years ago, and that was this ; that seeing all the
plots of the Narragansets were always discovered, he said they
would let us alone till they had destroyed Uncas, and him, and
then they, with the Mowquakes and Mowhaukes and the Indi-
ans beyond the Dutch, and all the Northern and Eastern In-
dians, would easily destroy us, man and mother's son. This
have I informed the Governors of these parts, but all in vain,
for I see they have done as those of Wethersfield, not regarding
till they were impelled to it by blood ; and thus we may be sure
of the fattest of the flock are like to go first, if not altogether,
I and then it will be too late to read Jer. xxv.— for drink we
ahall if the Lord be not the more merciful to us for our extreme
pride and base security, which cannot but stink before the Lord ;
and we may expect this, that if there should be war again be-
tween England and Holland, our friends at the Dutch and our
Dutch Englishmen would prove as true to us now, as they were
when the fleet came out of England ; but no more of that, a
word to the wise is enough.

And now I am old, I would fain die a natural death,, or like
a soldier in. the field, with honor, and not to have a sharp stake
set in the ground, and thrust into my fundament^ and to have my
skin flayed off by piece-meal, and cut in pieces and bits, and my
flesh roasted and thrust down my throat, as these people have
done, and I know will be done to the chiefest in the country by

! hundreds, if God should deliver us into their hands, as justly

\ he may for our sins.

I going over to Meantecut, upon the eastern end of Long

(ffi^arlrettet's ilequot Mattes* 25

Island, upon some occasion that I had there, I found four Nar-
ragansets there talking with the Sachem and his old counsel-
lors. I asked an Indian what they were ? He said that they
were Narragansets, and that one was Miannemo [Miantunno-
moh], a Sachem. What came they for ? said I. He said he
knew not, for they talked secretly ; so I departed to another
wigwam. Shortly after came the Sachem Waiandance to me
and said. Do you know what these came for ? No, said I ; then
he said. They say I must give no more wampum to the English,
for they are no Sachems, nor none of their children shall be in
their place if they die ; and they have no tribute given them ; there
is but one king in England, who is over them all, and if you would
send him 100,000 fathom of wampum, he would not give you a
knife for it, nor thank you. And I said to them, Then they will
come and kill us all, as they did the Pequits ; then they said,
No, the Pequits gave them wampum and beaver, which they
loved so well, but they sent it them again, and killed them be-
cause they had killed an Englishman ; but you have killed none,
therefore give them nothing. Now friend, tell me what I shall
say to them, for one of them is a great man. Then said I, Tell
them that you must go first to the farther end of Long-Island,
and speak with all the rest, and a month hence you will give them
an answer. Mean time you may go to Mr. Haines, and he will
tell you what to do, and I will write all this now in my book that
I have here ; and «o he did, and the Narragansets departed, and
this Sachem came to me at my house, and I wrote this matter
to Mr. Haines, and he went up with Mr. Haines, who forbid him
to give anything to the Narraganset, and writ to me so. — ^And
when they came again they came by my Island, and I knew
them to be the same men ; and I told them they might go home
again, and I gave them Mr. Haynes his letter for Mr. Williams
to read to the Sachem. So they returned back again, for I had

3

26 ©arlrenet's ^lequot Wiaxxt^.

said to them, that if they would go to Mantacut I would go like-
wise with them, and that Long-Island must not give wampum
to Narraganset.

A while after this came Miantenomie from Block-Island to
Mantacut with a troop of men, Waiandance being not at home;
and instead of receiving presents, which they used to do in their
progress, he gave them gifts, calling them brethren and friends,
for so are we all Indians as the English are, and say brother to
one another ; so must we be one as they are, otherwise we shall
be all gone shortly, for you know our fathers had plenty of deer
and skins, our plains were full of deer, as also our woods, and
of turkies, and our coves full of fish and fowl. But these Eng-
lish having gotten our land, they with scythes cut down the
grass, and with axes felled the trees ; their cows and horses eat
the grass, and their hogs spoil our clam banks, and we shall all
be starved ; therefore it is best for you to do as we, for we are
all the Sachems from east to west, both Mouquakues and Mow-
hauks joining with us, and we are all resolved to fall upon them
all, at one appointed day ; and therefore I am come to you pri-
vately first, because you can persuade the Indians and Sachem
to what you will, and I will send over fifty Indians to Block-
Island, and thirty to you from thence, and take an hundred of
Southampton Indians with an hundred of your own here ; and
when you see the three fires that will be made forty days hence,
in a clear night ; then do as we, and the next day fall on and kill
men women, and children, but no cows, for they will serve to
eat till our deer be increased again. — ^And our old men thought
it was well. So the Sachem came home and had but little talk
with them, yet he was told there had been a secret consultation
between the old men and Miantenomie, but they told him nothing
in three days. So he came over to me and acquainted me with
the manner of the Narragansets being there with his men, and

(Battjtmt'B ^eqxiot Wiaxtm. 27

asked me what I thought of it ; and I told him that the Narra-
ganset Sachem was naught to talk with his men secretly in his
absence, and bid him go home, and told him a way how he might
know all, and then he should come and tell me ; and so he did, and
found all out as is above written, and I sent intelligence of it over
to Mr. Haynes and Mr. Eaton ; but because my boat was gone
from home it was fifteen days before they had any letter, and
Miantenomie was gotten home before they had the news of it.
And the old men, when they saw how I and the Sachem had
beguiled them, and that he was come over to me, they sent se-
cretly a canoe over, in a moon-shine night, to Narraganset to tell
them all was discovered ; so the plot failed, blessed be Grod,
and the plotter, next Spring after, did as Ahab did at Ramoth-
Gilead. — So he to Mohegin, and there had his fall.

Two years after this, Ninechrat sent over a captain of his,
who acted in every point as the former ; him the Sachem took
and bound and brought him to me, and I wrote the same to
Governor Eaton, and sent an Indian that was my servant and
had lived four years with me ; him, with nine more, I sent to
carry him to New-Haven, and gave them food for ten days.
But the wind hindered them at Plum-Island ; then they went
to Shelter-Island, where the old Sachem dwelt — Waiandance's
elder brother, and in the night they let him go, only my letter
they sent to New-Haven, and thus these two plots was discover-
ed ; but now my friend and brother is gone, who will now do
the like ?

But if the premises be not sufficient to prove Waiandance a
true friend to the English, for some may say he did all this out of
malice to the Pequits and Narragansets ; now I shall prove the
like with respect to the Long-Islanders, his own men. For I be-
ing at Meantacut, it happened that for an old grudge of a Pequit,
who was put to death at Southampton, being known to be a

28 (Sarlrener's ^tqmt Wiaut^.

murderer, and for this his friends bear a spite against the Eng-
lish. So as it came to pass at that day I was at Mantacut, a
good honest woman was killed by them at Southampton, but it
was not known then who did this murder. And the brother of
this Sachem was Shinacock Sachem could or would not find it
out. At that time Mr. Gosmore and Mr. Howell, being magis-
trates, sent an Indian to fetch the Sachem thither ; and it being
in the night, I was laid down when he came, and being a great
cry amongst them, upon which all the men gathered together,
and the story being told, all of them said the Sachem should
not go, for, said they, they will either bind you or kill you, and
then us, both men, women and children; therefore let your
brother find it out, or let them kill you and us, we will live and
die together. So there was a great silence for a while, and
then the Sachem said, Now you have all done I will hear what
my friend will say, for [he] knows what they will do. So they
wakened me as they thought, but I was not asleep, and told me the
story, but I made strange of the matter, and said. If the ma-
gistrates have sent for you why do you not go ? They will bind
me or kill me, saith he. I think so, said I, if you have killed
the woman, or known of it, and did not reveal it ; but you were
here and did it not. But was any of your Mantauket Indians
there to-day ? They all answered, Not a man these two days,
for we have inquired concerning that already. Then said I,
Did none of you ever hear any Indian say he would kill Eng-
lish ? No, said they all ; then I said, I shall not go home 'till
to-morrow, though I thought to have been gone so soon as the
moon was up, but I will stay here till you all know it is well with
your Sachem ; if they bind him, bind me, and if they kill him,
kill me. But then you must find out him that did the murder,
and all that know of it, them they will have and no more. Then
they with a great cry thanked me, and I wrote a small note

with the Sachem, that they should not stay him long in their

houses, but let him eat and drink and be gone, for he had his

way before him. So they did, and that night he found out four

that were consenters to it, and knew of it, and brought them to

them at Southampton, and they were all hanged at Harford,

whereof one of these was a great man among them, commonly

called the Blue Sachem.

A further instance of his faithfulness is this ; about the Pe-

quit war time one William Hamman [Hammond], of the Bay,

killed by a giant-like Indian towards the Dutch. I heard of it,

and told Waiandance that he must kill him or bring him to

me, but he said it was not his brother's mind, and he is the

great Sachem of all Long-Island, likewise the Indian is a mighty

great man, and no man durst meddle with him, and hath many

friends. So this rested until he had killed another, one Thomas

Farrington. After this the old Sachem died, and I spake to

this Sachem again about it, and he answered, He is so cunning

that when he hears that I come that way a hunting, that his

friends tell him, and then he is gone. — But I will go at some

time when nobody knows of it, and then I will kill him ; and so

he did — and this was the last act which he did for us, for in the

time of a gteat mortality among them he died, but it was by,

poison ; also two thirds of the Indians upon Long-Island died,

else the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as they

have, and might not help them. — ^And this I have written chiefly 1

for our own good, that we might consider what danger we are

all in, and also to declare to the country that we had found

an heathen, yea an Indian, in this respect to parallel the

Jewish Mordecai. But now I am at a stand, for all we English

would be thought and called Christians ; yet though I have

seen this before spoken, having been these twenty-four years in

the mouth of the premises, yet I know not where to find, or
3*

30 ORartrener's iPequot WiauB.

whose name to insert, to parallel Ahasuerus lying on his bed
and could not sleep, and called for the Chronicles to be read ;
and when he heard Mordecai named, said, What hath been done
for him ? But who will say as he said, or do answerable to what
he did? But our New England twelve-penny Chronicle is
stuffed with a catalogue of the names of some, as if they had
deserved immortal fame ; but the right New-England military
worthies are left out for want of room, as Maj. Mason, Capt.
Undrill [Underhill], Lieut. Sielly [Seely], &c., who undertook
the desperate way and design to Mistick Fort, and killed three
hundred, burnt the fort and took many prisoners, though they
are not once named. But honest Abraham thought it no shame
to name the confederates that helped him to war when he re-
deemed his brother Lot ; but Uncas of Mistick, and Waiandance,
at the Great Swamp and ever since your trusty friend, is for-
gotten, and for our sakes persecuted to this day with fire and
sword, and Ahasuerus of New-England is still asleep, and if
there be any like to Ahasuerus, let him remember what glory-
to God and honor to our nation hath followed their wisdom and
valor. Awake ! awake Ahasuerus, if there be any need of thy
seed or spirit here, and let not Haman destroy us as he hath
done our Mordecai 1 And although there hath been much
blood shed here in these parts among us, God and we know it
came not by us. But if all must drink of this cup that is
threatened) then shortly the king of Sheshack shall drink last,
and tremble and fall when our pain will be past. that I were
in the countries again, that in their but twelve years truce, re-
paired cities and towns, made strong forts and prepared all
things needful against a time of war like Solomon. I think the
soil hath almost infected me, but what they or our enemies will
do hereafter I know not. I hope I shall not live so long to hear
or see it, for I am old and out of date, else I might be in fear

to see and hear that I think ere long will come upon us. Thus
for our tragical story, now to the comedy. When we were all
at supper in the great hall, they (the Pequits) gave us alarm to
draw us out three times before we could finish our short supper,
for we had but little to eat, but you know that I would not go
out ; the reasons you know.

2ndly. You Robert Chapman, you know that when you and
John Bagley were beating samp at the Garden Pales, the sen-
tinels called you to run in, for there was a number of Pequits
creeping to you to catch you ; I hearing it went up to the Re-
doubt and put two cross-bar shot into the two guns that lay
above, ajtid levelled them at the trees in the middle of the limbs
and boughs, and gave order to John Frend and his man to stand
with hand-spikes to turn them this or that way, as they should
hear the Indians shout, for they should know my shout from
theirs for it should be very short. Then I called six men and
the dogs, and went out, running to the place, and keeping all
abreast, in sight, close together. And when I saw my time, I
said. Stand ! and called all to me saying. Look on me ; and
when I hold up my hand, then shout as loud as you can, and
when I hold down my hand, then leave ; and so they did. Then
the Indians began a long shout, and then went off the two great
guns and tore the limbs of the trees about their ears, so that
divers of them were hurt, as may yet appear, for you told me
when I was up at Harford this present year, '60, in the month
of September, that there is one of them lyeth above Harford,
that is fain to creep on all four, and we shouted once or twice
more ; but they would not answer us again, so we returned home
laughing. Another pretty prank we had with three great
doors of ten feet long and four feet broad, being bored full of
holes and driven full of long nails, as sharp as awl blades,
sharpened by Thomas Hurlbut. — ^These we placed in certain

32 (&axtitxm^B ^eqitot WULttts.

places where they should come, fearing least they should come
in the night and fire our redoubt and battery, or all the place,
for we had seen their footing, where they had been in the night,
when they shot at our sentinels, but could not hit them for the
boards ; and in a dry time and a dark night they came as they
did before, and found the way a little too sharp for them ; and
as they skipped from one they trod upon another, and left the
nails and doors dyed with their blood, which you know we saw
the next morning laughing at it. — ^And this I write that young
men my learn, if they should meet with such trials as we met
with there, and have not opportunity to cut off their enemies ;
yet they may, with such pretty pranks, preserve them-
selves from danger,_for poUcy is needful in wars a3 well as
strength. — ^Fmis.

2^ society for propagating the gospel ; the faithful labors of the
New England ministers to instruct the natives in the religion of
Jesus Christ*

IN 1650, a society in England, instituted for propagating the
gospel, began a correspondence with the commissioners of the
United Colonies, who were employed as agents for the society.
In consequence, exertions were made to christianize the Indi-
ans. The Rev. Mr. Eliot, minister of Roxbury, had distin-
guished himself in this pious work. He had established towns,
in which he collected Indian families, taught them husbandry,
the mechanic arts, and a prudent management of their affairs,
and instructed them with unwearied attention in the principles
of the christian religion. For his zeal and success he has been
called the Apostle of New England.

He began his labors about the year 1646, being in the forty-
second year of his age. The first pagans, who enjoyed his la-

[•Tikon from Mone k Pttridi*t BMarj of New XDsiuid, p. 907.]

Cfje (Sospel in iBteto iBnglanlr. 33

bors, resided at Nonantum, now the east part of Newton. Wa-
ban, a principal chief there, became a convert, and was distin-
guished for his piety. Being encouraged by the success of his
first attempt, he soon after opened a lecture at Neponsit, within
the present bounds of Dorchester. These two lectures he con-
tinued several years without any reward or encouragement, but
the satisfaction of doing good to the souls of men. Beside
preaching to them, he formed two catechisms, one for the chil-
dren, the other for adults. They readily learned these, serious-
ly attended his public lectures, and very generally prayed in
their families, morning and evening.

After a number of years, certain individuals in England, af-
fected by his pious and disinterested labors, raised some gene-
rous contributions for his encouragement ; he gratefully received
these, declaring that he had never expected any thing. By such
timely aid he was enabled to educate his five sons at college.
All these were distinguished for their piety, and all, excepting
one, who died while a member of college, were preachers of the
gospel. His eldest son preached several years to the Indians
at Pakemit^ now Stoughton, and at Natick, and other places.
Other ministers, in different parts of New England, by the
example of Mr. Eliot, zealously engaged in the missionary
work. Messrs. Bourne and Cotton in Plymouth colony, studied
the Indian language, and preached at Martha's Vineyard and
other places. At Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket, Mr. May-
hew and son entered on the work ; and in Connecticut Messrs.
Pierson and Fitch preached Jesus and the resurrection to the
heathen in their vicinity.

That the natives might have the word of life in their own
language, which alone was able to make them wise unto salva-
tion, Mr. Eliot translated the Bible for their use. The New
Testament was published in 1661, and the whole Bible soon

.-A

34 jrte (gospel in i^eto (ffinglanli*

after. The expense was borne by the society for propagating
the gospel in New England. Beside this, he translated and
composed several other books, as a primer, a grammar, singing
psalms, the practice of piety, Baxter's call, and several other
things. He took care that schools should be opened in the In-
dian settlements, where their children were taught to read;
some were put into schools of the English, and studied Latin
and Greek. A building was erected for their reception, and
several of them sent to Cambridge college. The legislature in-
stituted judicial courts among the natives, answering to the
county courts of the colony. In these courts, one English judge
was united with those chosen by the natives. They had rulers
and magistrates elected by themselves, who manage their
smaller matters.

The first church of the christianized pagans was gathered at
Natick ; they had two instructors of their own body, when the
English preachers could not attend. In 1670, they had be-
tween forty and fifty communicants. The second praying town
was Pakemit, or Punkapaog, now Stoughton ; their first teacher
was of their own number, William Ahawton, "a pious man,
of good parts." The second church of Indians was at Hassana-
messitj now G-rafton ; their teacher's name was Takuppa-willin,
"a pious and able man, and apt to teach." They had a meet-
ing house built after the English manner ; their communicants
were sixteen, their baptized persons thirty.

At OJkommakummessit, or Marlborough, was a society, with a
teacher. Wamesit, or Tewksbury, was the fifth praying soci-
ety ; their teacher was called Samuel, who could read and write.
Annually a judicial court was held there. Here Mr. Eliot used
to go and preach at that season, on account of the strangers,
who resorted there. In 1774, after he had been preaching from
^'^'^' Matt. xxii. concerning the marriage of the king's son, at the

^t^ <So$pel in i^eh) IBnglanli. 36

wigwam of Wannalancet, near the falls, this man, who was the
oldest son of the sachem or king, who had always been friendly
to the English, but openly rejected the gospel, after the sermon?
rose and said, "Sirs, you have been pleased, for four years, in
your abundant love, to apply yourselves particularly to me and
my people, to exhort, press and persuade us to pray to Grod.
I am very thankful to you for your pains. I must acknow-
lenge, I have all my days used to pass in an old canoe, and
you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe, and embark
in a new canoe, which I have always opposed; but now I
yield myself up to your advice, and enter into a new canoe,
and do engage to pray to God hereafter." He ever after per-
severed in a christian course, though on this account several of
his people deserted him. The sixth society gathered from the
Indians, was at Nashobah, now Littleton: their teacher was
called John Thomas. In this place, and at Marlborough, the
Indians had orchards set out by themselves. Mungunkook, or
Hopkinton, was the next place where a christian society was
gathered ; the families were twelve, their teacher was Job.

Several years after, seven other societies of praying Indians,
with Indian teachers, were formed further west. One in Ox-
ford, one in Dudley, three in different parts of Woodstock,
which was then claimed by Massachusetts, one in Worcester,
and one in Uxbridge. Several other places about the same
time received christian preachers. The places mentioned re-
ceived teachers selected from the natives, who had been in-
structed by Mr. Eliot. The whole number of those called pray-
ing Indians, in these places, was about 1100.

But the gospel was preached with still greater effect in Ply-
mouth colony. The Rev. Mr. Bourne had under his care, on
Cape Cod and its vicinity, about 500 souls ; of whom about 200
could read, and more than 70 could write. He had formed one

36 cte (SoSjpel in iBteto (?Bttglantr.

^ fc—

church of twenty-seven communicants ; ninety had been bap-
tized. Beside these, Mr. Cotton of Plymouth preached occa-
sionally to about half a hundred on Buzzard's Bay. Mr. May-
hew and son began to instruct the Indians of Marth's Vineyard,
in 1648 or 9. They were remarkably successful. The greatest
part of them were soon considered as praying Indians. On
this island and Chappaquiddick, were 300 families; on the lat-
ter, sixty, of whom fifty-nine were praying families. On Nan-
tucket was a church, and many praying families. In 1694,
there were on this island three churches and five assemblies of
praying Indians. In 1685, the praying Indians in Plymouth
colony were 1439, beside children under twelve years of uge.
At one time, in diflferent parts, were twenty-four congregations.
In Connecticut and Rhode Island, but little success attended
the gospel among the Indians, The sachems of Narragansett
and Mohegan violently opposed their people's hearing the gospel.
The Rev. Mr. Fitch of Norwich, took great pains, gave some of
the Mohegans lands of his own, that they, who were disposed to
hear the gospel might be nearer him, and also freed from the re-
vilings of their companions ; at one time he had about thirty
under his care.

The legislatures of the several colonies enacted salutary laws
for restraining the evil conduct of the natives ; means were also
furnished for their receiving presents or rewards for distinguish-
ing themselves in what was laudable. In Connecticut, the leg-
islature in 1655, having appointed a governor over the Pequots,
gave him the following laws, to which the people were to subject
themselves. They shall not blaspheme the name of God, nor pro-
fane the sabbath. They shall not commit murder, nor practice
witchcraft, on pain of death. "They shall not commit adultery,
on pain of severe punishment. Whosoever is drunk shall pay
ten shillings, or receive ten stripes. He that steals shall pay

double damage."

FINIS,

■ I

in-

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